We welcome expressions, support, and collaboration from like-minded organizations




The Environment Domain tracks and reports on policies that deal with the use of natural resources, climate change, energy emissions, pollution, and the protection of endangered species. This domain tracks policies emanating from the White House, the Environmental Protection Agency, the Energy Department, and the Interior Department.

Latest Environment Posts


Rescinded Environmental Policies and how they will impact the Economy

Rescinded Environmental Policies and how they will impact the Economy

By: Shannon Q. Elliott
Tuesday, October 20, 2020

Policy Summary

According to the Trump Administration they have been successful in “cutting the red tape” of Obama era environmental policies and protections. While boasting about the strides they have taken to promote economic growth, create jobs, and give industries more flexibility, they fail to recognize that these particular policies are contributing to environmental degradation. The deterioration of the environment will have adverse effects on the “strong economy” as new policies threaten habitats, clean water, fresh air and wildlife, it’s just a matter or time before the economy suffers a catastrophic crash.

Two policies that are being deconstructed under the Trump agenda, are protections for air and water. The Affordable Clean Energy Rule (ACE) and The Navigable Waters Protection Rule, (NWPR) have been amended in an effort to allow industries and businesses to operate without government interference. ACE replaced the Clean Power Plan (CPP) which set a target for coal industries to adjust their emissions and comply beginning in 2018, with strict compliance by 2025. Coal plants are responsible for 43% of mercury emissions, and 30% of toxic water pollution; CPP would have removed 1.4 billion pounds of toxic pollution, which would have given the environment a chance to rebound. ACE allows more flexibility with their carbon emissions, requiring compliance by 2030. ACE is only applicable to the coal industry, and by extending the deadline for compliance, ACE allows toxic pollution to gain more momentum.

The Navigable Waters Protection Rule reduced the number of federally protected waterways. This leaves smaller bodies of water, including streams, wetlands, and habitats vulnerable to pollutants. The rule was rewritten to provide clarity over waterway jurisdiction. Under NWPR, the states retain jurisdiction over smaller bodies of water, leaving the larger waterways regulated by federally. The President contends that the NWPR will allow states to manage their resources in a way that is supportive of farmers and ranchers. By redistributing water protections, this creates a disproportioned system, cleanliness of drinking water will vary by state, an influx of pollution will intrude on rivers and streams, and flood risk increases.

It should not come as a surprise that the two aforementioned rules are tied up in litigation. Environmentalist groups, scientists, and States are lobbying to have these rules amended to support a healthy environment. Not only are they rallying for public health, but they are also trying to prevent an economic nosedive.


How does environmental failure affect the economy? When the administration decides to slash conservation protections, their short-term gains cause an irreversible domino effect. ACE is less restrictive than the 2015 CPP, granting the coal industry the ability to operate 5 years longer resulting in more American deaths vs. jobs saved. According to thirdway.org, Trump’s new plan could result in “1400 premature deaths, 430 non-fatal heart attacks, 48,000 cases of exacerbated asthma, 500 cases of acute bronchitis, 42,000 lost workdays, and 60,000 school absence days annually by 2030.” People who become ill will be unable to work, resulting in a mass health crisis and bankruptcy. The climate will continue to warm, while emissions are being pumped into the air, which paves the way for disastrous acts of nature such as wildfires, hurricanes, tornados, and inclement weather events that will pummel parts of the world. When these events take place, there is substantial damage caused to roadways, airports and infrastructure. Climate volatility will drive up the cost of labor, economic goods, and the supply chain.  In North America alone, Morgan Stanley reported that from 2017-2020, events associated with climate change cost about $ 415 billion dollars.

What about clean water? Clean water is essential to a thriving society, and under the NWPR, clean water is in jeopardy. Farmers and landowners are thrilled with the new rule that grants them the freedom to use pesticides, without fear of government interjection. In the short-term, the relaxed rule permits them to grow more crops and raise livestock, but ultimately, the contamination and toxins released into the groundwater will put their farms at risk of flood, unstable climates will kill crops, and agricultural sectors will suffer disruptions in supply and demand.

Climate effects agriculture, infrastructure, tourism, global markets, and human productivity, just to name a few.  “We will pay for climate breakdown one way or another, so it makes sense to spend the money now to reduce emissions rather than wait until later to pay a lot more for the consequences… It’s a cliché, but it’s true: An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure.”  Joseph Stiglitz Noble Prize Winner; Economist Columbia University.

Learn More:

Analyzing Trump’s “Affordable Clean Energy” rule using the EPA’s own data. https://www.thirdway.org/memo/analyzing-trumps-affordable-clean-energy-rule-using-the-epas-own-data

Trump Administration Cuts Back Federal Protections For Streams And Wetlands. (2020, January). NPR.org

US report warns climate change could create economic chaos. (2020, September). https://www.cnn.com/2020/09/09/business/climate-change-economy-cftc-report/index.html


Resistance Resources:

  • Climate Group : https://www.theclimategroup.org/partner/state-california
  • The World Bank : https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/climatechange/overview
  • Environmental Defense Fund : https://www.edf.org/
Corporate Elites Strike New Oil with the Federal Reserve Bank

Corporate Elites Strike New Oil with the Federal Reserve Bank


The Federal Reserve has made an unprecedented policy change: the Fed is now directly intervening to support corporate credit markets. To do so, it has established two facilities: the Primary Market Corporate Credit Facility (PMCCF) and the Secondary Market Corporate Credit Facility (SMCCF). The SMCCF has been actively purchasing corporate issued bonds, loans, and exchange-traded funds (ETFs).


Overall, the corporate bond market has seen rapid growth since 2008, going from $5 trillion to about $9.6 trillion in 2019. The balance sheets of many larger corporations are debt heavy and the revenues to service that debt have shrunk since the onset of the COVID. In turn, bond ratings have plummeted, many to junk status, and that forces rates higher. The Fed is stepping in to provide much needed liquidity which they propose will keep operations and employment at pre-COVID levels. Over a six-week period, the SMCCF purchased bonds from 500 large companies.

A disproportionate quantity of those bond purchases have been directed at oil and gas conglomerates: about 10% of the Fed’s corporate bond portfolio. In fact, this industry has issued a record amount of new bonds, $129 billion this year alone, according to Bloomberg, most of it issued since the Fed’s purchase program was initiated. 19 of the largest oil and gas companies have been recipients. Outside this industry, a total of $455 billion in corporate debt has been issued.

This includes household giants such as Procter & Gamble who issued $5 billion worth; Coca-Cola added $6.5 billion in bond debt; Apple raised another $8.5 billion while Oracle had a $20 billion debt offering. While the Fed has stated its intervention is intended to stabilize employment, there are no such requirements to prevent layoffs. One analysis showed that a third of companies with the largest bond debt participation have announced sizable worker layoffs.

In June, Fed Chair Jerome Powell testified to Congress that “the intended beneficiaries of all of our programs are workers.”

The petroleum industry has been dramatically impacted by the drop in consumer gasoline demand. The resulting “price collapse” at the pump has left many oil firms unable to service existing debt – much of it used pre-COVID to purchase smaller firms. Bankruptcy looms over many in the industry: 30 percent of the shale sector is “technically insolvent.” Smaller firms financed with private equity are teetering.

As finances for the industry began to unravel, lobbying efforts went into high gear. U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas alongside 10 Republican colleagues issued an influential plea to Mnuchin and Powell in the form of an April 22 letter. Citing the recent downgrading of debt to junk bond status, the letter said, “We face a real and present danger of seeing hundreds, if not thousands of oil producers shuttering, an event that will profoundly and negatively impact the industry, its financial partners and consumers for years to come.”

Then there are the “inside lobbyists” like Interior Secretary David Bernhardt who had represented Big Oil for years. We have Energy Secretary Dan Brouillette whose career included senior posts with Ford Motor Co. and who had served on the Board of a Louisiana agency that oversees leasing of state lands to energy companies.

In spite of the new policy and rescue efforts by the Fed, industry layoffs followed suit. “We have to be simpler, more streamlined,” remarked Shell’s chief executive, Ben van Beurden, in response to another round of layoffs. “We need to be a more competitive organization, more nimble and able to respond to customers.” In a similar vein, Marathon Petroleum issued pink slips to 1000 employees which were intended to “strengthen Marathon Petroleum for short-term and long-term success.” Royal Dutch Shell, another bond purchase recipient, plans to trim its headcount by 9,000.


A number of factors have contributed to the financial stress amongst oil corporations. Prior to plummeting demand, Russia and Saudi Arabia were engaged in a price war and this was followed by a brief glut due to the U.S. fracking boom. Many firms, including those non-oil beneficiaries like Boeing corporation, turned down federal CARES Act funding and chose to increase liquidity through bond issuance. Of note, CARES Act funding came with strings attached: executive compensation was restricted.

Furthermore, a recent report revealed that 383 large firms whose bonds were purchased by the Fed paid dividends to their shareholders. Sysco Corporation is a typical example: they laid off a third of its workforce while paying out shareholder dividends. Other bond purchase beneficiaries, like Tyson Foods, were found guilty of labor and environmental violations. The fact that 15% of the Fed’s corporate bond holdings are issued from large banks raises questions similar to the bailout terms during the 2008 financial meltdown.

The administration’s leanings are summed up in this Trump tweet: “We will never let the great U.S. Oil & Gas Industry down.”

Vocal critics include Alan Zibel, research director of Public Citizen’s Corporate Presidency Project who points out that “when consumers take on too much credit card debt, they can be forced into bankruptcy and face financial ruin. But when the oil and gas industry accumulate too much debt, it gets a bailout on the backs of taxpayers.” The administration is accused of issuing bailouts for industry friends and loyalists, and to those who are harming rather than helping our environment.

While this bond buying program is favorable to the Fortune 500 – municipalities, small businesses, and individuals are offered more restrictive loans at higher rates. Sarah Bloom Raskin, a former top Fed and Treasury official, wrote that this program effectively protects wealthy bond holders from losses, offering them “all the upside that comes with a junk bond, but none of the risk that, before now, made it, well, junk.”

Resistance Resources:

Trump EPA Refuses to Ban Pesticide Shown to Reduce IQ and Infant Brain Development

Trump EPA Refuses to Ban Pesticide Shown to Reduce IQ and Infant Brain Development


The Environmental Protection Agency under Donald Trump has released a new assessment of the pesticide Chlorpyrifos, claiming the current science is inconclusive as to the amount of exposure necessary to be harmful. Chlorpyrifos is an organophosphate pesticide typically used on crops, animals, and buildings, to kill various pests, including insects and worms. The chemical has been used extensively in grape, almond, soybean, and particularly strawberry production. It acts on the nervous systems of insects by inhibiting the acetylcholinesterase enzyme.

In 2015 the Obama administration announced it would ban chlorpyrifos citing studies by the EPA warning of the chemical’s potential to make farm workers sick and impede brain development in children. However, in 2017, before the ban could be enforced, the EPA Administrator at the time, Scott Pruitt, reversed the decision, igniting a legal uproar. The EPA was ordered by a federal appeals court to make a final ruling by July 2019 on whether to ban Chlorpyrifos. Upon that deadline, Andrew Wheeler, now EPA Administrator, announced the agency would reject the petition to ban the pesticide, questioning the significance of the data around the chemical’s neurological impact on young children. Despite the agency’s continued rejection of a ban, the EPA is required by law to review a pesticide’s uses at least every 15 years, and with another legal case pending in the U.S. 9th Circuit of Appeals, the agency will be due to deliver a new final ruling on the use of Chlorpyrifos in about two years. Meanwhile, the EPA says it will make an interim decision this October.

Preceding the interim decision and final ruling, while pending legal cases loom from a dozen environmental and labor groups demanding an immediate ban, the EPA released this September, a new assessment of the dangers associated with the use of Chlorpyrifos. The report concludes that “Despite several years of study, the science addressing neurodevelopmental effects remains unresolved…. With respect to effects on the developing brain, very little is known about the duration of chlorpyrifos exposure needed to precipitate adverse effects in the developing brain.”


Some farm groups have defended the use of Chlorpyrifos, claiming the chemical has been a safe, effective, and versatile tool for protecting their crops since 1965. The EPA’s new assessment of the pesticide points to Oregon strawberry growers who have been particularly reliant on Chlorpyrifos for controlling symphylans, a pest that feeds on the plant’s roots. However, it should be noted that many certified organic strawberry growers throughout the country use a combination of alternative management practices to control symphylans and other pests, such as solarizing field soils with tarps, flooding fields, compacting growing beds, and incorporating cover crops. They prevent pest outbreaks naturally by maintaining optimal soil and plant nutrition throughout the growing season and establishing a balanced farm ecosystem.

The EPA’s assessment does acknowledge that Chlorpyrifos can have a negative effect on neurodevelopment, and even identifies “concerns about dietary exposure to chlorpyrifos and to pesticide handlers,” mirroring the same concerns expressed by the EPA back in 2015. However, the agency claims the risk of exposure to residential communities is “negligible,” and argues that there is insufficient data to definitively say what level of exposure is dangerous.

Many in the scientific community dispute this claim, pointing to several epidemiological studies, including one from Columbia University, showing “a correlation between prenatal exposure to chlorpyrifos and developmental disorders in toddlers,” such as lower birth weights, lower IQ’s, and higher risk of autism. The EPA’s recent assessment, however, has rejected those findings, citing a lack of access to the raw data of those studies. Spokesman for the EPA, James Hewitt, said in a statement that the agency “remains unable to verify the reported findings” of the Columbia study (despite having been supported by other peer-reviewed studies), deeming its findings inconclusive. This move by the EPA suggests that the agency may be unofficially adopting its proposed “secret science” regulation, aiming to reject or give less weight to scientific studies that do not (or cannot) publicly release their underlying data.

As previously reported by Lisa Friedman at the New York Times, “This controversial policy would eliminate many studies that track the effects of exposure to substances on people’s health over long periods of time, because the data often includes confidential medical records of the subjects.” Trump’s EPA has used this same argument to justify weakening restrictions and rejecting bans on other toxic chemicals and pollutants, such as perchlorate (a water contaminant tied to fetal brain damage) and asbestos, despite repeated objections from agency scientists. The EPA has not finalized or officially adopted the “[secret science] regulation that would officially restrict using such studies in decision-making, but the chlorpyrifos assessment suggests it has moved forward in applying it.”

EPA officials claim they have been prevented from independently assessing the findings of the Columbia University study, by not being provided the study’s raw data. Lawyers supporting a ban on Chlorpyrifos say researchers from the Columbia University study “were willing to show their data to agency officials in a secure location but have not released the information publicly because of privacy concerns.”

EarthJustice attorney, Patti Goldman, criticized the EPA’s new assessment of the pesticide, saying, “Ignoring the demonstrated harm to children doesn’t make chlorpyrifos safe. It shows a commitment to keep a toxic pesticide in the market and in our food at all cost.” Earthjustice has also accused the administration of “fudging the data” in the new assessment, to reach its preferred conclusion. Erik D. Olson, senior director for health at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said of the EPA’s report, “This shows that EPA has completely abandoned any commitment to protecting children from this extremely toxic chemical when their own scientists recommended twice to ban it. The science is being overridden by politics.”

California, New York, Hawaii, and other states have enacted their own bans and restrictions on the use of Chlorpyrifos. Corteva, the world’s largest manufacturer of the pesticide, says it has already ended production of the chemical. Entomologist Allen Felsot of Washington State University claims the use of chlorpyrifos is in decline, and notes, “The market tends to take care of a lot of this.” The EPA’s Draft Ecological Risk Assessment and Revised Human Health Risk Assessment of Chlorpyrifos will be open to scientific review and public comment once the Proposed Interim Decision is released this month. Both documents will remain open for review and comment for 60 days.

Resistance Resources


  • Behind nearly every major environmental win, you will find EarthJustice. EarthJustice’s legal work has saved irreplaceable wildlands, cleaned up the air we breathe, and fueled the rise of 100% clean energy. It has protected countless species on the brink of extinction, and secured long-overdue, historic limits on our nation’s worst polluting industries. https://earthjustice.org/


Natural Resources Defense Council

  • Works to safeguard the earth, its people, its plants and animals, and the natural systems on which all life depends. Combining the power of more than three million members and online activists with the expertise of some 700 scientists, lawyers, and policy advocates across the globe to ensure the rights of all people to the air, the water, and the wild. https://www.nrdc.org/


Union of Concerned Scientists

  • The Union of Concerned Scientists is a national nonprofit organization founded more than 50 years ago by scientists and students at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. UCS uses rigorous, independent science to solve our planet’s most pressing problems. Joining with people across the country, UCS combines technical analysis and effective advocacy to create innovative, practical solutions for a healthy, safe, and sustainable future. https://www.ucsusa.org/


Sources Cited

Biden’s Climate Plan and California’s Example

Biden’s Climate Plan and California’s Example

Democratic Presidential Candidate Joe Biden has rolled out a $2 trillion climate change plan that has become a hallmark of his candidacy. Biden is pledging to green the nation’s transportation infrastructure in the next decade by funding “high-quality, zero-emissions public transportation options through flexible federal investments.”

The Biden campaign is banking on its climate change plan — which would create millions of jobs — to capture a diverse group of voters on Election Day, from climate advocacy groups to trade unions that support the construction industry.

The plan marks the first time that climate change is a central plank for the Democratic Party, and has the support of popular party leaders, including U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and John F. Kerry, former Secretary of State.

“We can lead America to become the world’s clean energy superpower,” Biden said. The plan would redefine the nation’s transportation and energy industries. Its lofty goals include requiring:

  • All new U.S.-made buses to be emissions free in a decade;
  • The nation to have net-zero emissions by 2050;
  • The electricity industry to end carbon pollution by 2035.

Biden’s climate change plan has emerged as a centerpiece of the Democrat’s campaign and is an issue of “national security,” according to the candidate. The $2 trillion plan indeed is getting heightened attention leading up to the election but not for the reasons the Biden team had expected.

President Trump denies that climate change exists. “I don’t think science knows actually,” Trump said recently about climate change. Biden labeled him a “climate denialist.” There is perhaps no other campaign issue where the candidates are further apart.

  • The Biden plan would invest more than $1.7 trillion in the next decade in clean energy, climate research and innovation. It would create incentives in the private sector and with state and local governments for implementing green energy solutions that would total $5 trillion during the same time period.
  • The plan would set stringent limits on the use of fossil fuels, impacting the oil and gas industries. It would impose new fuel standards aimed at the auto industry that would transition the nation to 100 percent electric cars and light trucks. Consumers would get rebates or financial incentives to trade in their gas-powered vehicles for electric cars and light trucks.
  • Addressing concerns of environmentalists, the Biden plan permanently protects the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and ends new oil and gas permitting on public lands and waters, instead focusing on solar, hydraulic and wind power. Trump is preparing to allow drilling in the refuge.


California’s own experience as a national leader in efforts to reduce greenhouse gases demonstrates the opportunities and benefits in moving consumers toward a more energy conscious ethos. California’s emissions of carbon dioxide fell by 14 percent from 2004 to 2017, according to the most recent statistics available. In 2017, the state set a new goal to further reduce its emissions by 40 percent by 2030.

While the state commands one of the largest global economies, it boasts one of the lowest energy consumption levels in the U.S. because of its innovations and use of alternative energy, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

As the fastest growing energy source in the U.S., renewable energy is a burgeoning industry in the state, growing hundreds of new businesses. For example, California is among the nation’s biggest producers of hydro-electric power. California leads the solar market, and was the first state in the U.S. to get more than 5 percent of utility electricity from solar power. Coal represents only a small portion of its portfolio.

As the first state to set a goal to become carbon neutral, California is setting an example that other states are starting to follow through goal-setting and legislation.

However, California’s environmental policies to mitigate the impact of climate change are running up against its previous, seemingly successful efforts to expand development and further grow its economy. But California’s economy has been thriving in part because of a failure to address important environmental issues, such as curtailing expansion of the human habitat to forest and coastal areas; a lack of management of ground-level heat-sensitive vegetation; and a porous system for the transportation and distribution of water.

These and related economic policies and practices make California vulnerable to the extreme weather fluctuations of climate change. State policy will need to address these conditions in order to reap the benefits of its mitigation policies.



Read about the candidate’s climate change plan in detail on his campaign website.


The Sunrise Movement, a leading environmental activist group largely composed of young people, responds to the Biden climate change plan.


The U.S. Office of Energy Efficiency provides information on the electric vehicles and renewable energy.


The Solar Energy Industries Association offers comprehensive information on the alternative energy source.


The Solar Tribune, an industry publication, outlines the issues at stake for the solar industry and consumers in this presidential election.

The President moves to ban offshore drilling in parts of the Atlantic

The President moves to ban offshore drilling in parts of the Atlantic


Since 2016, President Donald Trump has made quite clear his intention to increase the amount of oil and gas drilling operations along the Atlantic and Arctic coastlines. He vowed upon his election to overturn the Obama era moratorium that has protected these waters and the tourism and fishing industries they support. In 2017, Trump ordered the Department of the Interior to lift restrictions the Obama administration had placed on drilling in the Atlantic and Arctic oceans, and to develop a plan to begin leasing out drilling rights in those waters to oil and gas companies. The following year, the Interior Department proposed a draft plan to begin selling offshore drilling leases in “90 percent of US coastal waterways.”

Several coastal states resisted the proposal, including Florida’s Governor at the time, republican Rick Scott. Later that year, in an unexpected change of heart, the Trump administration allowed Florida to opt out of the leasing plan, but none of the other states, which included New Jersey, Washington, and California (all considered Democratic strongholds). It is worth noting that this was a big win for Governor Scott who was running for a Senate seat that year against the Democratic incumbent, Bill Nelson; Scott narrowly defeated Nelson, landing another Republican in the Senate.

Earlier this month, on September 8, eight weeks before election day, President Donald Trump signed a memorandum to ban the sale of any new offshore drilling leases off the coasts of Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina. This memorandum expands the protections of the already existing Obama era moratorium on new drilling leases in the Gulf of Mexico and extends the protections for ten years — July 1, 2022, to June 20, 2032. Drilling off the Atlantic coast has been a significant political issue for several states in the region, who fear the negative impact on their tourism and fishing industries, as well as other environmental threats. The new moratorium does not protect the coastlines of Virginia and North Carolina, both of which contain significant oil deposits, and both of which have democratic governors. Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina all have republican governors. Florida and Georgia are both key swing states in this year’s general election. Republican Senator of South Carolina, Lindsey Graham is also up for reelection, and is said to have helped draft the new moratorium.


The President has taken the opportunity to praise himself as an environmental steward, proclaiming the title “the great environmentalist.” He spoke at an event in Jupiter, Florida, telling the people, “This protects your beautiful gulf and your beautiful ocean, and it will for a long time to come.” Environmental groups, however, are skeptical. The League of Conservation Voters, an environmental advocacy group, said in a statement, “If this was more than an election year ploy for Trump, we’d have seen a permanent ban on offshore drilling in his first four years.” Jaclyn Lopez, Director for the Florida chapter of the Center for Biological Diversity Action Fund, wrote in a statement, “Voters shouldn’t be duped by this cheap, last-minute maneuver. It can’t even begin to make up for the aggressive efforts to expand dirty offshore drilling since Trump’s been in office.”

Since Trump took office in 2016, he has rolled back numerous regulations that have been protecting our environment for years. He has sought to weaken or eliminate laws that limit the amount of pollution automobiles, pipelines, and power plants release into the air and water. The Environmental Protection Agency, under Trump’s direction, has removed federal protections for millions of acres of streams and wetlands across the country. Trump has shortened the amount of time allowed for studying the potential environmental damage from new highway and pipeline construction projects and has opened lands and waters to drilling and commercial fishing, that have been considered too fragile and too critical to the survival of biodiversity on this planet to be disturbed. The President even withdrew the U.S. from the Paris Climate Accord, a global agreement to address the emission of heat-trapping greenhouse gases and strengthen the ability of countries to deal with the impacts of climate change.

Given Donald Trump’s track record on environment and climate policy, it is hard to believe that this is not a political move to appeal to swing voters in Florida and Georgia, and to boost Senator Lindsey Graham’s chances of reelection in November. The fact that only Republican-led states see any protections from this moratorium, further heightens this suspicion. Jamie Williams, President of the Wilderness Society, spoke of Donald Trump and his environmental stewardship, saying, “Trump is the worst President for the environment in our history. No amount of spin from this administration can hide its legacy of abuse, neglect and corruption that threatens our health and the health of our environment.”

Democratic Presidential Nominee Joe Biden has called out Trump for making an election-year flip-flop, writing, “Just months ago, Donald Trump was planning to allow oil and gas drilling off the coast of Florida. Now, with 56 days until the election, he conveniently says that he changed his mind. Unbelievable. You don’t have to guess where I stand: I oppose new offshore drilling.”

Resistance Resources

The Wilderness Society

  • an American non-profit land conservation organization that is dedicated to protecting natural areas and federal public lands in the United States. They advocate for the designation of federal wilderness areas and other protective designations, such as for national monuments. https://www.wilderness.org/#

League of Conservation Voters

  • Founded in 1970 by environmentalist Marion Edey (LCV) is an American environmental advocacy group that “advocates for sound environmental laws and policies, holds elected officials accountable for their votes and actions, and elects pro-environment candidates.” The organization pursues its goals through voter education, voter mobilization, and direct contributions to political candidates. https://www.lcv.org/

Center for Biological Diversity Action Fund

  • The Center for Biological Diversity Action Fund is an affiliated, but separate, organization from the Center for Biological Diversity, a 501(c)(3) non-profit charity. As a 501(c)(4) social welfare non-profit organization, the Action Fund engages in advocacy and political activities that the Center for Biological Diversity cannot participate in. https://centeractionfund.org/

Sources Cited

Miller, Z., & Superville, D., Associated Press. (2020, September 09). Trump expands ban on new offshore drilling sites in Atlantic. Retrieved September 17, 2020, from https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/Trump-claims-environmental-progress-but-he-s-15550171.php

Teirstein, Z. (2020, September 13). “No one knows where this came from”-Trump bans offshore drilling. Retrieved September 17, 2020, from https://www.motherjones.com/environment/2020/09/no-one-knows-where-this-came-from-trump-bans-offshore-drilling/

The Wilderness Society Blog. (2019, July 8). The facts on Trump’s terrible environmental record. Retrieved September 17, 2020, from https://www.wilderness.org/articles/blog/facts-trumps-terrible-environmental-record

Trump administration loosens limits on coal pollution

Trump administration loosens limits on coal pollution

Policy Summary

On Monday, August 31, the US EPA under the Trump administration announced that it has made revisions to a 2015 Obama era policy that places pollution restrictions on power plants that burn coal. The policy, known as the Effluent Limitations Guidelines (ELG) for coal-fired power plants, limits how much heavy metal toxins and other waterborne pollutants coal powered electric generation plants can release into local waters or wastewater facilities.

Explained very simply, a coal powered electric generation plant burns coal to heat water into steam, which in turn generates electricity. Two waste streams produced by this process are affected by the EPA’s revisions. The first pollution stream results from the toxic gases produced by the burning of coal, which are passed through treated water to remove the toxins and particulate matter before being released from the flue into the air. The water with the dissolved toxins and ash in it is known as Flue Gas Desulfurization (FGD) wastewater. The second waste stream affected by the EPA’s new revisions is known as Bottom Ash (BA) transport water, which is water used to carry away the toxic coal ash leftover in the bottom of the boiler tanks from the steaming process.

The pollution limits and guidelines for these two waste streams, as written by the Obama administration’s regulation in 2015, established the following:

  • Set the first ever limits on the amount of pollutants (arsenic, mercury, selenium, and nitrogen) power plants can dump into local water bodies via FGD wastewater. The policy set specific limits on how much of each toxin the FGD wastewater could contain before being released into the local water system. Power plants that needed to meet these compliance standards were required to adopt new best available technologies (BAT) to remove pollutants from the wastewater.
  • Required that all coal-fired power plants recycle 100% of their BA transport water (which contains coal ash and other suspended solids and toxic elements), instead of purging into local water bodies.
  • Required that compliance with the new guidelines and limitations be met by 2023.

*The Obama administration estimated $451-$566 million annually in monetary benefits to public health, environmental health, and economic health as a result of this regulation.

Today’s EPA under the Trump administration has revised these guidelines and limitations as follows:

  • The best available technologies required by the Obama administration’s 2015 guidelines for use in the removal of toxic pollutants from wastewater are no longer a requirement for coal-fired power plants. The EPA claims it has found “more affordable technologies that are capable of removing similar amounts of discharges.”
  • Coal-fired power plants are no longer required to recycle 100% of their BA transport water. Instead, the EPA has established a “pollutant discharge allowance,” where the amount of toxic water that a power plant can release into the local water system “will be determined on a case-by-case basis by the permitting authority, based on best professional judgement,” up to 10% of the plant’s daily BA wastewater.
  • Power plants that “cease coal combustion by 2028” may be exempt from the guidelines all together.
  • The case-by-case deadlines for complying with the regulations have been pushed back so that power plants that have failed to meet their already passed deadlines will not receive any penalty. The Obama guidelines required the necessary power plants to meet compliance by their next permit renewal, the earliest one being by November 1, 2018 and the last deadline being by January 2023. November 1, 2020 is now the earliest deadline for compliance — “in order to allow EPA time for reconsideration of the regulatory provisions.”

*The Trump administration estimates a $140 million annual cost reduction for power plants as a result of these revisions. 

The new guidelines set forth by the EPA essentially push back the deadline for coal-fired power plants to comply with reducing pollution; increases the amounts of pollutants allowed to be released by the power plants; allows the use of cheaper technologies that are less effective at removing pollutants from wastewater before it is released; and exempts some power plants all together from meeting compliance, as long as they plan to shut down or switch to natural gas by 2028.


 EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler and the coal industry both had praise for the regulation’s revisions. Wheeler claims, “Newer, more affordable pollution control technologies and flexibility on the regulation’s phase-in will reduce pollution and save jobs at the same time.” President of the National Mining Association, Rich Nolan, said of the new regulation, “The coal industry wants to be able to compete while also safeguarding important environmental protections – this rule shows that balance is possible.” The EPA also claims the revisions will reduce “toxic pollution by nearly 1 million pounds per year greater than what the Obama-era controls would have.”

Environmental groups, however, say the revisions allow the industry to “use cheaper, less effective treatment methods on polluted wastewater that puts waterways at risk.” The treatment technologies allowed by the EPA’s revisions use a shorter biological treatment process which leaves the resulting wastewater with a higher concentration of selenium than the technologies required under the previous guidelines. The EPA’s revisions, “sets a daily maximum limit on selenium at 76 micrograms per liter, more than three times the Obama-era limit of 23 micrograms per liter.”

Frank Holleman, senior attorney at the Southern Environmental Law Center wrote in an email to POWER Magazine, “With today’s rollback of clean water protections, the Trump EPA allows dirty coal-burning plants to dump more toxic substances into our rivers, lakes, and drinking reservoirs and exposes our communities to more cancer-causing pollution. The EPA itself has estimated that at least 30 percent of all toxic water pollution from all industries comes from these plants, and the technology to prevent and treat this pollution is widely available. The EPA is making it easier for the most polluting and worst run coal-fired plants to dump poisons into the waterways our communities depend upon.”

Thom Cmar, deputy managing attorney of the Earthjustice Coal Program, agrees. He says of the EPA’s revisions, “The Trump administration is once again jeopardizing people’s health to give coal power industry lobbyists what they want. This dangerous decision will have a big impact because dirty coal-fired power plants are by far the number one source of toxic chemicals in our water.” He argues, “The Trump administration’s rollback will be responsible for hundreds of thousands of pounds of pollutants contaminating sources of drinking water, lakes, rivers and streams every year. We will challenge this rule change in court.”

Resistance Resources


  • Behind nearly every major environmental win, you will find EarthJustice. EarthJustice’s legal work has saved irreplaceable wildlands, cleaned up the air we breathe, and fueled the rise of 100% clean energy. It has protected countless species on the brink of extinction, and secured long-overdue, historic limits on our nation’s worst polluting industries. https://earthjustice.org/

Southern Environmental Law Center

Environmental Defense Fund

  • One of the world’s largest environmental organizations and a 501(c)(3) non-profit. Preserving the natural systems on which all life depends. https://www.edf.org/

Natural Resources Defense Council

  • Works to safeguard the earth – its people, its plants and animals, and the natural systems on which all life depends. Combining the power of more than three million members and online activists with the expertise of some 700 scientists, lawyers, and policy advocates across the globe to ensure the rights of all people to the air, the water, and the wild. https://www.nrdc.org/

Sources Cited

Automaker Giants rally against SAFE Fuel Economy Rollbacks

Automaker Giants rally against SAFE Fuel Economy Rollbacks


This past week automakers, Ford, Honda, Volkswagen, BMW and Volvo in conjunction with the California Air Resources Board (CARB), finalized a pact to strengthen emissions and improve fuel economy in California and 13 other states. The pact aims to improve fuel economy from 28 mpg to 51 mpg by the year 2026. The decision comes as automakers recognize the need for stringent environmental protections, whereas the current administration is inflexible, shifting away from environmental protections.

In 2018, there were 15 million vehicles registered in the golden state and 887,000 new vehicles sold. At this point, California still retained the authority via The Clean Air Act, to create their own emissions standards. When The Clean Air Act passed, California was already adopting its own set of innovative rules to combat air pollution. Congress acknowledged this, and made an exemption that allowed California to carve out their own rules, as long as the laws protected public health, and were stricter than federal law. In order to implement such laws, California would need to seek a waiver issued by the Environmental Protection Agency. The latest waiver was obtained in 2013, under the Obama Administration.

In 2019, President Trump revoked California’s authority to set their own standards, derailing years of progress centered around environmental clean-up. His reasoning for the revocation, was a uniformed set of national fuel economy standards. When the Safer Affordable Fuel-Efficient Vehicle Rule (SAFE) passed in March of this year, it rolled back the Obama era policy requiring automakers to improve fuel efficiency in new vehicle models by 5% every year and slash it to a mere 1.5%. The current administration was adamant that their new standard would create more jobs, allow automakers more flexibility, and make vehicles affordable for the masses. They failed to acknowledge that their new rule would allow 6 billion tons of carbon dioxide to be omitted into the air by 2026.


The current administration continues to rollback environmental policies, broadcasting climate change a hoax. CARB has worked tirelessly alongside automakers, and have a common goal; protect Californian’s and their environment from raging wildfires, scorching temperatures, and unpredictable weather patterns attributed to climate change.

Their initiatives include cutting back on greenhouse gases, tailpipe pollutants, protecting public health, and lowering diseases attributed to climate change. Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont and Washington are expected to follow suit; recognizing eco- friendly responsibilities, while shaming the Trump Administration, for their ignorance when it comes to environmental issues.

Trump has already tried to dismantle this agreement, by launching an antitrust investigation in September of 2019. The Department of Justice investigated whether or not the pact violated antitrust laws when reaching a deal with California. Ultimately the investigation was inconclusive, leaving the President embarrassed once again by his outlandish assumptions.

Learn More

  • Cole, A. (2020, August 18). California regulators, automakers finalize pact for tougher emissions regulations. The Car Connection : https://www.thecarconnection.com/news/1129288_california-regulators-automakers-finalize-pact-for-tougher-emissions-regulations
  • Davenport, H. T. (2019, September 06). Justice Dept. Investigates California Emissions Pact That Embarrassed Trump. The New York Times : https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/06/climate/automakers-california-emissions-antitrust.html
  • Shephardson, D. (2020, August 17). Defying Trump, California locks in vehicle emission deals with major automakers. Reuters: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-autos-emissions-california/defying-trump-california-locks-in-vehicle-emission-deals-with-major-automakers-idUSKCN25D2CH

Resistance Resources

  • (2020). Climate Group : https://www.theclimategroup.org/partner/state-california
  • (2020). California Air Resources Board : https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/
  • (2020). Coalation for Clean Air : https://www.ccair.org/
  • (2020). Environmental Defense Fund : https://www.edf.org/climate/california-leads-fight-curb-climate-change
Trump Orders Most Biodiverse Area of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge be Leased for Drilling

Trump Orders Most Biodiverse Area of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge be Leased for Drilling


The Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) is a 19.3 million acre stretch of wilderness in northern Alaska, the largest in the United States, and has been protected from development for nearly six decades. It is home to 45 different species of mammals and 200 species of birds from 6 continents, making it one of, if not the most biodiverse areas in all the arctic. Environmentalists have considered it “one of the finest examples of wilderness left on earth.” Specifically, the coastal plain along the refuge’s northern edge, known as the 1002 Coastal Plain portion, is particularly diverse, containing the largest number of polar bear dens in Alaska, and provides habitat for muskoxen, Arctic wolves, foxes, hares, migrating waterfowl and herds of Porcupine caribou. This coastal plain portion is also believed to sit atop possibly the largest onshore oil reserves in North America that have yet to be tapped.

Most of the ANWR has been designated as “wilderness” since it first became a federally protected area in 1960, and so is off limits to development. However, when the ANWR was expanded in 1980, the 1002 Coastal Plain portion was recognized as “a promising area for energy development” (which was later supported by a seismic study in 1987), and essentially became bookmarked as an area with potential for oil extraction, but requiring Congressional authorization before any drilling. Based on the seismic data from the 1987 study and new well samples, a 1998 study of the area by USGS indicated the possibility of up to 11.8 billion barrels of oil. Interest in the area by the energy industry, however, has been up and down over the years for various reasons, such as fluctuating oil prices, political and legal challenges, and the discovery of other nearby oil deposits. It has remained largely untouched for nearly 60 years, within which Republicans in Congress have attempted nearly fifty times to allow drilling in the ANWR.

In 2017, the Republican-controlled Congress finally succeeded when it passed the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, which included a mandated time frame for the Department of the Interior (DOI) to begin leasing land for development on the coastal plain. Donald Trump signed the Act into law in December 2017, directing his administration to open the 1002 Coastal Plain area for development and to begin leasing the land. Political controversy and environmental assessment requirements have prevented the lease of any plots so far, but in September 2019, the DOI submitted a final environmental impact statement (EIS), recommending that the coastal plain be open for leasing and that although the DOI admits that “activities associated with oil and gas development — including new roads and truck traffic, as well as air, noise and water pollution — could potentially harm wildlife,” the statement claims that measures can be taken to minimize the disturbance to wildlife by heavy machinery, such as not operating in certain areas for a month out of the year, so as not to disturb calving caribou.

With a supporting environmental impact statement approved by the Trump-nominated Secretary of the Interior, David Bernhardt, the Trump administration, on August 17, 2020, released a Record of Decision, outlining a plan for where and under what terms and conditions leasing for the oil and gas development program will occur on the refuge’s coastal plain. Trump’s Record of Decision makes “the approximately 1,563,500 acres, or the entire Coastal Plain program area, available for oil and gas leasing, and consequently for potential future exploration, development and transportation.” The decision orders the Interior Secretary and Bureau of Land Management (BLM) to make at least two area-wide lease sales of no less than 400,000 acres each, by December 22, 2024, with the first sale by December 22, 2021 (Even if Donald Trump does not win reelection in November, it could be quite difficult for his successor to reverse any lease rights that have already been auctioned off to energy companies). Trump’s Decision also states that the BLM is required to authorize “any rights-of-way or easements across the Coastal Plain for the exploration, development, production, or transportation necessary to carry out [the Coastal Plain Oil and Gas Program].” This means that the BLM has the ability to approve the building of any new road, pipeline, or other infrastructure for anyone, even if they don’t have a lease in the area, for any reason that might aid the gas and oil industry in the region.


Republican Senator from Alaska, Dan Sullivan, supports the new Record of Decision, saying, “Thousands of Alaskans are employed in our oil industry, and their livelihoods depend on the good-paying jobs created by our state’s reserves. Today, we are one step closer to securing a bright future for these Alaskans and their families.” Local energy firms and some Alaska Native groups also support the Decision, believing it could provide jobs for a state that has seen a decline in oil production since the 1980’s.

Republican Senator, Lisa Murkowski and Republican Governor of Alaska, Michael J. Dunleavy both agree. Murkowski says, “New opportunity in the 1002 Area is needed both now, as Alaskans navigate incredibly challenging times, and well into the future as we seek a lasting economic foundation for our state.” Governor Dunleavy proclaims, “The Record of Decision is a definitive step in the right direction to developing this area’s energy potential – between 4.3 and 11.8 billion barrels of technically recoverable oil reserves.” Republican Congressman Don Young also praises the Decision, proclaiming, “In Alaska, we have proven that protecting the environment, honoring our history, and developing our natural resources can go hand-in-hand.”

Environmentalists, however, are not so convinced. Many criticize the DOI’s latest environmental impact statement, claiming that the review was rushed, insufficient, and “largely based on older research,” as well as “failed to address several concerns,” such as not providing an estimate of how many polar bears could potentially be killed or harmed by exploration in the coastal plain. Opponents to drilling in the area also say the Interior Department downplayed the climate change risks in its review. The agency’s impact statement claims the greenhouse gas emissions that would ultimately result from the drilling of 11 billion barrels of oil would be minimal, “since most of that oil would simply displace oil being produced elsewhere in the country.” Attorneys general from 15 different states have submitted comments to the Interior Department, calling this displacement theory “completely unsupported.”

Banks including Goldman Sachs and JPMorgan Chase say they will not directly finance any oil and gas drilling operations in the Arctic, because of pressure from environmental groups and the Gwich’in Alaska Native group. The caribou are a primary subsistence food for the Gwich’in, and they are fearful of the development’s potential negative impact on the Porcupine caribou herds that come to the area to calve. The Gwich’in believe the leasing of the land they refer to as “Iizhik Gwats’an Gwandaii Goodlit” or “The Sacred Place Where Life Begins,” is a violation of their human rights.

Exploring and drilling for oil in the Arctic is a costly operation, and it is unclear how interested the industry really is. For a large company with public name recognition, the project carries a lot of stigma and the possibility of “litigation, investor anger and a tarnished brand.” Robert Hayes, executive director of the State Energy and Environmental Impact Center at the New York University School of Law and former deputy interior secretary under President Barack Obama says of the program, “You’ve got a lot of tripwires ahead.  Anyone buying a lease is potentially buying years of litigation along with that lease.”

Critics of Trump’s move are also unsure about how profitable the lease sale program could even be for the Federal Government. Little is known about how much oil sits under the coastal plain. The last seismic studies to identify possible oil and gas reservoirs were performed back in the ‘80’s when the technology was far inferior to today’s, and according to the New York Times, evidence shows that “The only well ever drilled within the refuge’s boundaries was a disappointment.” Even Governor Dunleavey referred to the estimated oil reserves as only “technically recoverable.”

Opponents to the oil and gas program believe that opening the refuge’s coastal plain to fossil fuel energy development “would be a step backward” in an era when the majority of Americans believe we should be burning less fossil fuels and doing more to fight climate change. Environmental groups argue that drilling could harm the already vulnerable and struggling wildlife in the area and that concerns from the Gwich’in Tribal Council and Vuntut Gwich’in Government have been largely ignored.

Most analysts seem to agree that drilling for oil and gas in the 1002 Coastal Plain area of the ANWR comes with a lot of uncertainty and risk, and that the highly contested area “will have far more meaning and value as a wildlife refuge in a warming world that is starting to seriously move away from hydrocarbon energy.” Kristen Monsell, a senior attorney with the environmental group, the Center for Biological Diversity, makes a strong point when she says, “There’s no good time to open up America’s largest wildlife refuge to drilling and fracking, but it’s absolutely bonkers to endanger this beautiful place during a worldwide oil glut.”

Environmental groups like the Center for Biological Diversity, the Alaska Wilderness League, and some Alaska Native groups are expected to file lawsuits to try to block any lease sales of the coastal plain land. Adam Kolton, executive director of the Alaska Wilderness League wrote in a statement, “We will continue to fight this at every turn. Any oil company that would seek to drill in the Arctic Refuge will face enormous reputational, legal and financial risks.” The climate plan for Democratic presidential nominee Joseph R. Biden Jr. calls for permanent protection of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and the banning of new oil and gas permitting on public lands and waters.

Resistance Resources

  • Center for Biological Diversity Working to secure a future for all species, great and small, hovering on the brink of extinction. We do so through science, law and creative media, with a focus on protecting the lands, waters and climate that species need to survive. https://www.biologicaldiversity.org/
  • Alaska Wilderness League The Alaska Wilderness League (AWL) is a nonprofit organization that works to protect Alaska’s most significant wild lands from oil and gas drilling and from other industrial threats. The Alaska Wilderness League galvanizes support to secure vital policies that protect and defend America’s last great wild public lands and waters. https://www.alaskawild.org/
  • Gwich’in Alaska Native group Established in 1992, the Gwich’in Tribal Council (GTC) is an indigenous organization that represents Gwich’in Participants in the Mackenzie-Delta of the Northwest Territories and across Canada. The Gwich’in have traditionally used and occupied lands in the Northwest Territories and the Yukon from time immemorial. https://gwichintribal.ca/

Learn More

Interior Press. (2020, August 17). Secretary Bernhardt Signs Decision to Implement the Coastal Plain Oil and Gas Leasing Program in Alaska. Retrieved August 23, 2020, from https://www.doi.gov/pressreleases/secretary-bernhardt-signs-decision-implement-coastal-plain-oil-and-gas-leasing-program

Montgomery, S. L. (2020, August 21). Trump greenlights drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, but will oil companies show up? Retrieved August 23, 2020, from https://theconversation.com/trump-greenlights-drilling-in-the-arctic-national-wildlife-refuge-but-will-oil-companies-show-up-144715

Plumer, B., & Fountain, H. (2020, August 17). Trump Administration Finalizes Plan to Open Arctic Refuge to Drilling. Retrieved August 23, 2020, from https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/17/climate/alaska-oil-drilling-anwr.html?name=styln-climate

U.S. Department of the Interior Bureau of Land Management. (2020, August 17). Coastal Plain Oil and Gas Leasing Program Record of Decision. Retrieved August 23, 2020, from https://eplanning.blm.gov/public_projects/102555/200241580/20024135/250030339/Coastal%20Plain%20Record%20of%20Decision.pdf

USGS. (1998). Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, 1002 Area, Petroleum … Retrieved August 23, 2020, from https://pubs.usgs.gov/fs/fs-0028-01/fs-0028-01.pdf

Vuntut Gwitchin Government and Gwich’in Tribal Council. (2020, August 18). VGG and GTC Joint Response to Record of Decision for the Coastal Plain Oil and Gas. Retrieved August 24, 2020, from https://gwichintribal.ca/about-gtc/news/vgg-and-gtc-joint-response-record-decision-coastal-plain-oil-and-gas

The E.P.A.’s playing politics with methane is bound to blow-up

The E.P.A.’s playing politics with methane is bound to blow-up


Methane gas is 84 times more potent than carbon dioxide and is a main driver of climate change. From 2012 – 2016, the Obama administration put in place the New Source Performance Standards (NSPS) – these are regulations aimed at controlling carbon dioxide emissions from cars, coal-burning power plants, and methane emissions (leaks) from wells. The Trump administration – through the Environmental Protection Agency (E.P.A.) – has already taken action to rollback regulations on carbon dioxide and coal emissions and now wants to decrease controls for methane emissions from new and modified sources in the oil and gas industry, also known as the “Methane Rule.” Andrew Wheeler, the head of the E.P.A., said on August 13th that the proper legal process has been followed to remove these methane regulations. His position is that the “E.P.A. has been working hard to fulfill President Trump’s promise to cut burdensome and ineffective regulations for our domestic energy industry.” The compliance and regulatory cost burdens fall more heavily upon small and medium sized oil and natural gas producers.

The Trump administration has weakened more than 100 environmental rules and regulations since 2016.

According to the E.P.A., the oil and gas industry is responsible for almost 30% of the country’s methane emissions. Regulatory cost burdens amount to millions each year at a time when smaller producers are increasingly insolvent and in bankruptcy court. Financial pressures are driving lobbyists like the Independent Petroleum Association of America to make firms with low-production wells exempt from compliance.

Wheeler claims that methane leaks from domestic oil and gas wells have remained steady over the past decade, even as oil and gas production greatly expanded. The fossil fuel lobbyists cite data from the required use of high-bleed pneumatic controllers as an “excessive regulation” that does not produce the desired outcome. Among the major policy influencers are the American Petroleum Institute and the Western Energy Alliance. They assert that “Our industry continues to drive down methane emissions from operations while meeting America’s energy needs every day.” 


According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and the Global Carbon Project, methane emissions from oil and natural gas extraction accounts for 20 percent of global total; methane from animal digestive tracts and landfills makes up 40 percent; the balance, and largest single contributor are wetlands. Methane’s heat-trapping capacity lasts for 20 years and it accounts for 10% of U.S. greenhouse gas emissions. Over 25% of the hotter temperatures we now experience can be attributed to methane, and its presence is on track to exceed the Paris climate accord containment goal: an increase under 2 degrees Celsius.

Industry lobbyists for the smaller oil and gas producers make the following argument: the U.S. has about one million oil and natural gas wells in operation; three-quarters of these are of the “low-producing” variety and do not account for much methane release; about half of the higher producing wells came online after 2012 and had to conform to the Obama era 2012 NSPS regulations; in 2016, the E.P.A. added more stringent regulations which the industry claims were done with the intention of making production economically unfeasible for thousands of smaller producers.

Larger producers including Exxon, BP and Shell, do not support the E.P.A.’s rollback; they cite their own corporate pledges to curb methane leaks and the industry’s contribution to climate change. These big players have invested millions of dollars to promote natural gas as a cleaner option than coal because natural gas produces about half as much carbon dioxide when burned. They fear that unrestricted leaks of methane could undermine that marketing message and hurt demand.

Robert Howarth, earth systems scientist at Cornell University, contends that “80 percent of [research] papers show that methane from oil and gas leaks is two to three times higher than the E.P.A.’s estimates.” He counters industry arguments that methane emissions are stabilizing. “They’re certainly not going down,” he says. In contrast to Howarth, E.P.A. spokesman, James Hewitt, defends their numbers. “E.P.A.’s final methane rule is based on the most accurate and comprehensive accounting of our nation’s greenhouse gas emissions profile, which is performed by agency scientists based on data from a variety of sources.”

Under the new rule (rollback), the E.P.A. will still require leak monitoring, though not directly for methane gas. Oil and gas companies must continue to monitor and reduce smog-forming compounds at some well sites and during processing, but not pipelines.

A recent district court ruling struck down the Trump administration’s approach to the social cost of methane. And it is this social cost-benefit that will be the linchpin of the litigation that will follow this new ruling. David Hayes, a former Interior Department official who now leads New York University’s State Energy & Environmental Impact Center, predicts this new ruling will be overturned in the courts because assigning a dollar figure on damage caused by methane emissions vs. economic damage to the industry makes for a weak argument. Furthermore, Democratic nominee Joe Biden will likely decide to overturn the rule if elected.

Resistance Resources:

The Corruption of Andrew Wheeler

The Corruption of Andrew Wheeler

USRN Corruption Blog Post 

The Corruption Blog  digs into the details of the all-encompassing corruption of the Trump administration. 

Post # 19 The Corruption of Andrew Wheeler 

By Sean Gray

July 27, 2020

The Environmental Protection Agency has a wide range or responsibilities related to human health and conservation. With limited time remaining to avert the worst consequences of climate change, its mission has never been more crucial. Donald Trump and many of his allies have long been skeptical of the scientific consensus that the planet is warming at an untenable rate, primarily as a result of human activity. Andrew Wheeler, the former coal lobbyist, is the EPA’s  current administrator. He serves at the pleasure of the president, and is tasked with ensuring safe land, air, and water in the US. In more than two years on the job, his fealty to the president has influenced a rash of policies that run counter to his department’s stated goals.

Wheeler’s credentials make him a questionable choice for his position. He did work for the EPA in the early 1990’s. Since then his career trajectory has taken a hard left turn. Wheeler was Chief Counsel to Oklahoma Senator Jim Inhofe, the most ardent and outspoken opponent of climate change science in Congress; the senator once brought a snowball on the Senate floor to disprove global warming. Wheeler would later serve the same role for the Senate’s Committee on Environment and Public works. Most of his time was spent reducing regulations on pollutant industries. More recently, Wheeler served as a lobbyist for Murray Energy, the fourth largest coal producer in the country. When he was confirmed as deputy director of the EPA, Wheeler was asked whether or not he accepted the scientific consensus on climate change. He acknowledged that human beings have an impact on the environment, but what impact was unclear. A simple ‘’no’’ would have been briefer while expressing the same sentiment. He was confirmed by a 52-47 vote, mostly along party lines.

Rather than focus his  agency’s urgent environmental protection agenda, Wheeler has made it his mission to save the coal industry and increase pollution. Upon Trump’s election, Wheeler was present at a closed door meeting attended by his former boss, Bob Murray, of Murray Energy. The eponymous CEO brought with him drafts of six executive orders that amounted to a wish list beneficial to him and his industry. Among them were a repeal of the EPA’s finding that greenhouses gases cause environmental harm and a revocation of tax credits on wind and solar energy. Trump’s signature never found its way onto any of the drafted executive orders, but the meeting, and Wheeler’s attendance are demonstrative of the influences guiding his decision making process.

As one could envisage, given his track record, Wheeler has taken a combative stance towards pollution-reducing regulation. His environmental assaults are too numerous to list, but some of the highlights include:

  • Proposing to eliminate an Obama-era rule which restricts the emission of mercury from coal and oil fire power plants. Using cost-benefit analysis the previous administration determined reducing the amount of particulates in the air would prevent 11,000 premature deaths and represent $80 billion in public health benefits. Trump’s EPA distorted the numbers by magnitudes to reach a finding in the opposite direction. 20 states are currently suing to keep the rule in place.
  • The Trump administration is in the final stages of weakening emissions standards in the auto industry. The SAFE rule will increase carbon emission standards in the transportation sector by 1.5% annually rather than 5% annually under the previous guidelines. Wheeler said in a statement the move strikes the correct regulatory balance between protecting the environment and setting attainable goals for car manufacturers. The administration’s stance is that the deregulation will result in cheaper vehicles for American consumer. Not only is this unsupported by data (fuel-efficient cars are cheaper over time), but the change is expected to add one billion metric tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. As he has been for most of his tenure, Wheeler is in lock step with his boss and out of touch with relevant scientific data.
  • Wheeler has seized on the Covid-19 pandemic to further denigrate the EPA’s work. In March, as he announced the indefinite suspension of all inspections and enforcement related to environmental laws. he informed companies that not only needn’t they meet environmental standards during the pandemic, but that the agency would not seek retroactive penalties for noncompliance.

Under the guise of increased transparency, Wheeler has sought to undermine the efficacy and reliability of his own agency’s data. By law, the EPA is required to use the best available science to inform policy decisions. Wheeler’s paradoxically named ‘’Strengthening Transparency in Regulatory Science’’ proposal directly conflicts with the law. The rule change would ban the use of all science in which the underlying raw data is not made publicly available. On the surface it seems benign. However much of the information gathered to inform policy, specifically relating to human health, is acquired under strict confidentiality agreements. Precluding data gathered in such fashion would do little to increase meaningful transparency. Worse, it would hinder government scientists by allowing bureaucrats to determine what information influences their policy recommendations. The rule was proposed in April of 2018 and was recently shot down in a vote by the House Appropriations Committee. An amendment banning its passage is included in an upcoming spending bill heading to the Senate. While it appears unlikely to become law, the regressive proposal is antithetical to the work of the Environmental Protection Agency.

At a 2019 rally, Trump bragged that the US had the cleanest air and water anywhere on Earth. He was apparently oblivious to a federal report released earlier in the same day showing an increas in polluted air days over the previous two years, versus the two years prior to his election. According to the State of the Air report, issued by the American Lung Association, nearly half the country’s population live in counties with unhealthy ozone or particle pollution. Neither Wheeler or Trump is solely responsible for these conditions, but their agenda has undoubtedly exacerbated the issue and will continue to do so.

Scott Pruitt, another former coal lobbyist, proceeded Andrew Wheeler as head of the EPA. He resigned amid 14 individual conflict-if-interest  investigations by the Government Accountability Office. Wheeler may lack ethics violations typical of a corrupt public official, but the damage he’s wrought is more significant than a few military charters on the taxpayer’s dime. Like climate change itself, the only part of Wheeler’s job performance up for debate is how bad the damage will be.


Join the Resistance---Your donation helps support the work we do to bring you news and analysis of government policies and the organizations seeking to resist them.

Pin It on Pinterest